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Society that places emphasis on the roles of science and education.

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Society that places emphasis on the roles of science and education.

Weegy: Reformulation is the process of adapting borrowed cultural traits. User: Following rules of behavior to help maintain order is part of


negative sanctions.


capital punishment.


social control.


informal sanctions

What is the scientist's role in society and how do we

What is the scientist's role in society and how do we – The scientist's role should therefore be to interpret evidence for them and bring perspective, particularly where there is a body of evidence pointing in a different direction.K.VIJAYARAGAVAN ASSISTANT PROFESSOR IN ENGLISH JAIRAM COLLEGE OF EDUCATION, NEAR MAHAMARIAMMAN TEMPLE, NH-7, SALEM BYE PASS ROAD, LNS (POST), KARUR – 639 002 ROLE OF SOCIETY IN EDUCATION DEVELOPMENT ABSTRACT Society is defined as the whole range of social relationships of people living in a certain geographic territory and having a sense of belonging to the same group.Society that places emphasis on the roles of science and education. postindustrial society A complaint about bureaucracies is the ________ often involved in dealing with them.

(DOC) Role of society in Education Development – Click here 👆 to get an answer to your question ️ society that places emphasis on the roles of science and education helenaplopes17 helenaplopes17 09/27/2020 Social Studies College answered Society that places emphasis on the roles of science and education 2Roles of 'Science and Education': The society that places emphasis on the 'roles of science and education' since helps in understanding of natural systems and the process whereby that body of knowledge and improving on knowledge and information which is needed by the students in their education.. Scientific education helps with knowledge and providing information and understanding byThis article throws light upon the top eleven roles of education in society. Some of the roles are: 1.Moral Development 2.Cultural Development 3.Development of Positive Attitude 4.Development of Democratic Values 5.Sublimation of Instincts 6.Co-Operative Living 7. Resolving Conflicts and Contradictions 8.Acting as a Basis of Humanitarianism and Altruism and Others.

(DOC) Role of society in Education Development

Sociology Unit 2 Flashcards | Quizlet – Science education is given high priority and is driven by textbooks composed by committees of scientists and teachers. Science education in China places great emphasis on memorization, and gives far less attention to problem solving, application of principles to novel situations, interpretations, and predictions.Science and technology have played critical roles in transforming society, particularly in the transport and communication sector. Approximately two-hundred years ago, the rate at which changes in technology and science were experienced in the western societies was alarming because it was so intense.The Role of Science in Society In broad terms, there are two possible goals for engaging the policy process and two primary strategies for achieving those goals. The goals are either to improve policies that affect science (policy for science) or to improve policies that can benefit from scientific understanding (science for policy).

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The Age of Exploration: Crash Course European History #4 – Hi I’m John Green and this is Crash Course
European History.
So, remember back in May of 1453 when the
Ottomans smashed the thick walls of Constantinople, captured the city, and beheaded the Byzantine
emperor? You probably don’t remember May of 1453,
come to think of it, but you remember learning about it. It was a bit of a footnote in our first episode,
but you never know when the footnotes are going to be very important, but that one really
did change the world. With the Ottomans now also controlling much
of southeastern Europe, they established a navy, which they used in the Black, Adriatic,
and other seas in the region. Ottoman domination meant that European kingdoms
and empires needed to find different paths to Afroeurasian trading routes–which ultimately
helped spark the voyages of explorers from the Iberian peninsula. INTRO
So we’ve talked already in this series about the importance of shifting perspective when
looking at history, and today we’re going to ask you to shift perspective several times,
but let’s begin with the perspective of the Portuguese. In the fifteenth century, Portugal was poor,
and it became more so as the Ottomans contested their access to overland trade. But luckily for Portugal, the fourth son of
their king was Prince Henry, who came to be called The Navigator because he funded and
encouraged exploration, the study of navigation, and the development of new tools to aid in
navigation. The Portuguese began to increase their travels
along the Mediterranean’s southern shore. And by the mid-15th century, they were venturing
southward along the Atlantic coast of Africa, where they expected to find vast wealth. In those days, Africa was rich in food, salt,
gold, and slaves. Mansa Musa, the Malian king who made a spectacular
hajj to Mecca in 1324-1325, was legendary and very inspiring to the Portuguese. He had an entourage of 60,000 people including
12,000 slaves and huge quantities of gold. He seemed like the model of what the Portuguese
hoped to become by traveling to Africa: that is, rich beyond imagining. In this pursuit of food, slaves, and gold,
the Portuguese gradually made their way down the African coast, locating island clusters
like the Canaries. And they kidnapped local people to sell into
European slave markets and began dotting the coast with stone fortresses that doubled as
trading stations. And there, many European men partnered with
African women and started families. These women were often themselves traders
and would be crucial for all European nations; because they were the main force behind local
markets and regional trade networks, and they provided essential connections to trade. Again, most of the Portuguese explorers were
poor, and many of these female traders were wealthy and successful. From their perspective, Portuguese traders
offered them access to new markets and access to new goods. I know we’re all very accustomed to thinking
of Europe as rich and Africa as poor, but that frame is both relatively new and way
too essentializing–the truth as always resists simplicity. So in 1488, Bartolomeu Dias rounded the Cape
of Good Hope, or, as it was called at the time, the Cape of Storms. And then the Portuguese ventured further afield
into the Indian Ocean. When we talk about explorers and exploring,
we often conjure up images of intrepid groups wearing hats trekking through empty lands
in search of hidden treasures, but that was certainly not the reality when, for instance,
Vasco De Gama reached India in 1498 and found a highly developed Indian Ocean commerce with
trading posts run by sophisticated Muslim merchants. Da Gama’s instincts were to menace and fight
them and he did. And when the Portuguese reached Southeast
Asia and China, they found a cornucopia of goods that Europeans came to crave and about
whose production they hadn’t the slightest knowledge: colorful, washable cottons, and
finely crafted porcelain, also tea. Where would we be without Tea? Well, I’d be fine, actually. I’d just drink coffee. What’s that? Oh, Stan informs me that coffee also isn’t
from Europe. By the seventeenth century, the Portuguese
were importing millions of pieces of porcelain into Europe along with lots of delicious spices. And spices were not only important for flavouring,
but also for food preservation. Which I suppose is a kind of flavouring if
you like your food not-mouldy tasting. Let’s go to the Thought Bubble. The Portuguese “empire” was, at first
anyway, a trading empire, with small and agile ships known as caravels
patrolling ports and collecting large fees. The wealth would be extracted from controlling
shipping and trading routes, as the Ottomans were doing in the eastern
Mediterranean. In contrast, the Spanish empire, which began
in 1492 with the exploratory voyages of Genoese ship captain Christopher Columbus,
was based on colonies– that is, rather than controlling trade routes,
the empire would control the land itself and the people who lived there,
and extract wealth from them to enrich the empire. Columbus was a student of geography and maps
and he’d lobbied the Portuguese king to back his voyages. But when that didn’t go to plan, he headed
for Spain to petition its devoutly Catholic rulers,
Queen Isabella of Castile and King Ferdinand of Aragon. These two monarchs were finishing up the drive
to expel Muslims from Spain and to force Spanish Jews to convert to Christianity. But religious persecution wasn’t cheap. The motto of the Iberian pathfinders—God,
gold, and glory—perfectly described their ambitions. Although perhaps not in that order. Hopping the islands along the African coast
and using the trade winds, Columbus’s ships made it to the Caribbean
islands, and his crews, which tellingly included both
clergy and bankers, found signs of gold but not great quantities
of it. However, they did find people to enslave,
and because no one knew the size or shape of the Americas,
there was the perpetual hope that gold or other riches
might lie just on the other side of this river, or that mountain. Thanks Thought Bubble. So I want to stop here to shift perspective:
From the perspective of European explorers, these lands were new, and potentially very
lucrative, and the colonization model that Spain adopted, and that Portugal began using
in Brazil, and that the rest of Europe’s empires would eventually use, was built on
the idea that colonies existed for the benefit and enrichment of the colonizers–and secondarily
to convert human souls to Christianity. Much of the wealth that was generated by these
empires was done so by claiming human beings as a form of property–both through the slave
trade and through forcing colonized people to work. And the systems that were built to support
the colonies–from roads and bridges to churches–were built to extract wealth and convert people
to Christianity. So from the perspective of indigenous people
living in colonized communities, colonization meant impoverishment in many forms–the loss
of land for use, the loss of life itself at an unprecedented scale, the loss of long-held
religious beliefs, and the loss of all sorts of community assets. But from the colonziers’ perspective, it
meant the possibility of getting rich, and so waves of ambitious sailors followed Columbus,
searching both North and South America for extractable wealth. OK. Another breakthrough occurred in 1519-22,
when Ferdinand Magellan’s Spanish ships circumnavigated the globe. Magellan had alienated members of the Portuguese
court and like Columbus he found no backing for his proposed trip there. Also like Columbus, he went to Spain to fund
his voyage. If you were going to be somewhere between
1519 and 1522, on one of Magellan’s ships was not necessarily the best place.The conditions
and Magellan’s no-nonsense discipline caused mutinies and other problems which Magellan
also handled harshly, executing or marooning mutineering captains in the fleet. But after finding the straits at the tip of
South America, the fleet set out across the Pacific, eventually returning to Spain despite
Magellan’s death at the hands of local leaders in the Philippines in 1521. Of the 237 original voyagers and five ships,
only eighteen men and one ship returned to Spain in 1522. But, the voyage arranged and headed by Magellan
was a revelation, it opened the world up to global transportation, exchange, settlement,
and yes, global slavery, warfare, pandemics, and conquest. The Spanish could now stock their new world
settlements with Chinese and Indian luxuries by crossing the Pacific and fill their coffers
from profits in New World goods by crossing the Atlantic. In 1519, Spanish invader Hernan Cortés came
in contact with indigenous people in present-day Mexico, landing on its Mayan eastern coast
with several hundred soldiers and making his way inland, starting battles and forging alliances. He eventually reached the center of the Aztec
empire at Tenochtitlan, the Spaniards were astonished at the wealth of this civilization
and Cortes bowed before its king, Montezuma II, who led a vast empire that stretched to
present-day Honduras and Nicaragua. The capital had tens of thousands of inhabitants,
perhaps hundreds of thousands. Markets overflowed with luscious produce and
crafts, and the city had a sophistication that, like the wealth itself, was foreign
to Europeans, even if the Aztec practice of human sacrifice was also foreign. A similar awe filled Francisco Pizarro when
he saw the superb textiles and silver and gold objects crafted by the Incas, who’d
also created thousands of miles of roads and efficient institutions to hold their vast
empire together along the west coast of present-day South America. Both Pizarro and Cortes relied on help from
rival indigenous communities to help them take control from the Incas and Aztecs. The conquerors also married the princesses
and other noble women they had raped as a ritual of domination. And marriage gave them access to insider information,
local networks, and the wealth that such women possessed—including wealth in enslaved peoples. So, Iberians were incentivized to set sail
by their poverty and by their Catholic faith, but they were disadvantaged by a comparative
lack of manufacturing skills when it came to trade. What they did have, at least at first, was
sailing prowess and weaponry on their side. Iberian caravels were nimble and they could
be loaded with cannons. The Portuguese borrowed the use of triangular
sails from the Arabs, often combining them with square-rigged ones to make better use
of the winds. And Iberians also employed a range of navigational
instruments—technology generally taken from other cultures—in determining latitude,
while their on-board cartographers created portolan charts–literally, charts related
to ports–indicating coastal dangers, good harbors, and other details important to seafarers. Astrolabes, quadrants, compasses, and other
instruments gave good indications of location and direction but you know what you really
needed? A clock. That’s right, there’s a clock in the center
of the world. This six dollar clock is an astonishing piece
of technology. Stan would like me to point out that it was
actually eight dollars. Thank you for your support on
it wasn’t until the eighteenth century development of the chronometer that sailors could chart
longitudinal location, and even now, GPS relies on an extremely precise knowledge of the time. In short when it comes to history and also
everything else, it’s not just a question of where you are, it’s a question of when
you are. Early European explorers almost always had
to enlist local people to advise them how to navigate the seas, especially the Indian
ocean, and local, non-European traders served as intermediaries for the artisans in porcelain,
cotton, and other crafted products. Through them, Europeans slowly learned about
trading procedures, sources of goods, and the means of judging quality, as initially
the Iberians were not well acquainted with the goods available in these trading ports. And there were other go-betweens, like translators,
connecting Europeans and local people. One example is Malinche (or Doña Maria, as
the Spanish called her). She facilitated the passage of Hernan Cortes
and his small army across Mexico and into the capital of the Aztec empire, gathering
allies for him and warning him of impending danger along the way. Because of the hostility among different groups,
go-betweens who knew about the animosities and warfare among them could help mobilize
support for the Europeans, so that one local group would lead the charge against another. That happened in the conquest of both Central
America in the 1520s and the Inca Empire in the 1530s. In Europe meanwhile, all of this voyaging
and conquering produced chaos between the Iberian kingdoms–what land would be Spain’s,
and what land would be Portugal’s? A treaty sponsored by the Church eventually
settled disputes between Spain and Portugal over territory that each was claiming. I mean, who do you call about property disputes,
if not the pope? The Treaty of Tordesillas, which was signed
in 1494, provided a permanent line of demarcation 370 leagues west of the Cape Verde islands
off the Atlantic coast of Africa. In 1529, another treaty set bounds for each
country in the Indian Ocean and Pacific regions. But treaties of course did not prevent the
death at the hands of European weaponry and diseases that contact entailed. In the Western Hemisphere, the local inhabitants’
lack of resistance to European diseases was probably a more important factor than in conquest
than weaponry was. In the long run, violence, enslavement, and
European diseases like smallpox and measles led to the death of perhaps as much as ninety
percent of the indigenous American population. Diseases spread and killed so quickly that
entire communities ceased to exist almost — at once, and with them their traditions,
stories, and values. Meanwhile, colonization proved extremely lucrative
for Spain and Portugal, which within a century went from being poor kingdoms to astonishingly
rich ones, especially after 1545, when the Spanish uncovered a huge deposit of silver
in Potosi, in present day Bolivia, and began conscripting indigenous people to do the most
dangerous work in the mines. Migration to both regions swelled, and ships
now criss-crossed both Atlantic and the Pacific. And this huge influx of wealth to Spain and
Portugal would reshape power in Europe and also life everywhere else, as everything from
microbes to ideas suddenly had a truly global reach. Thanks for watching. I’ll see you next time. .

Education In Society: Crash Course Sociology #40 – The average American spends 13 and a half
years of their life in school.
And that's not counting the amount of time
that you spend watching Crash Course. Getting a bachelor’s degree means spending
upwards of 17 years as a student. And advanced degrees like medical degrees
or PhDs can tack on another 4 to 6 years on
top of that. So, why do we spend so much time in the classroom? With so much information available to us with
just a few taps on our phones and computers, it might seem like sitting in a classroom
to learn about the world isn’t really necessary
anymore. But educational institutions aren’t just places
where we learn facts – and Google is no substitute
for the social functions that schools provide. In fact, neither is Crash Course. So let’s take a look at how educational institutions are
organized in our society and what those institutional
structures can tell us about how our society functions. [Theme Music] You know what I mean when I talk
about “Education,” right? For our purposes, education is the social institution
through which society provides its members with all
kinds of important knowledge, not just basic facts and job skills but
also cultural norms and values. And this can come in the form of formal schooling,
where instruction comes from specially trained
teachers, but it doesn’t have to. What education has looked like across different
eras and different places is very different from
the schooling that you probably know. Historically, education was a privilege of
the wealthy. In fact, the word school comes from the Greek
word for leisure – ‘Scole’. In Ancient Greece, wealthy young men spent
their free time learning from scholars like
Socrates, Aristotle, and Plato. Nowadays, most high-income countries
have formal schooling systems that are
available to everyone. So the amount of schooling that the average
person gets in most societies is closely tied to the
country’s level of economic development. While young people in the US can expect to
spend at least 12 years in school, those who live in lower-income countries are much
more likely to never get past middle school. The US, however, will be the setting that we’ll
be using to explore how sociology understands
education as a social institution. So let’s go right to the Thought Bubble for a
quick overview of how schooling is structured
in the United States. In the US, publicly funded schools have existed
since almost the beginning of our country. Thomas Jefferson was an early proponent of
separating schools from religious institutions, which
at the time were the main providers of education. The widespread availability of public schools
really took off in the middle of the 19th century, when politician and educational reformer
Horace Mann pushed for Massachusetts to create a
formalized, state funded system of primary schools. By 1918, all states had passed mandatory
education laws, which required children to attend
school until they reached the age of 16. A major aim of these laws was to promote literacy. Both Jefferson and Mann pushed for public education
systems because they believed that a well-educated
populace was a necessary requirement for a democracy. Nowadays, about 87% of students in the US
attend public schools, which start in kindergarten
when children are five. And when I say public schools, this refers
to schools funded through the government
with taxpayer dollars. And of course, US public schools are organized
into primary and secondary education. Compulsory education starts with elementary
school, which begins for most Americans around age
5 and continues through 5th grade, until ages 10 or 11. These grades are considered “primary”
schooling. Starting at age 11 or 12, children enter middle-
or junior high school, which consists of grades
6th through 8th in most states. Around age 14, they typically enter high school,
which often includes 9th through 12th grades. Middle and High school are also referred to
as “secondary schooling.” And many school districts offer alternatives
to the standard high school curriculum, in the form of Vocational and Technical training
schools, sometimes known as VoTech schools. Votech schools focus on teaching specific
skills, like automotive repair or cosmetology, and students leave school with certifications
that help them enter the workforce right away. Thanks Thought Bubble! Another educational option is private school
– those schools not funded by taxpayer dollars. Why might a family choose a private school
over a public school? Well, for one thing, private schools are often able
to tailor their curricula to specific populations. Because public schools are open to everybody, they try
to serve the widest swath of the student populace –
what’s sometimes referred to as ‘teaching the middle.’ So the 10% of American students who attend
private schools might be there in search of a
more rigorous education. Parents of kids with disabilities may also choose a
private school that's specially tailored to their child’s
needs, which may not be available in a public school. And it's worth pointing out that most private
schools in the US are religiously affiliated. These schools provide religious instruction
alongside academic training – a practice that's
not allowed in public schools. You know, because of the whole separation
of church and state thing in the Constitution. Another option for parents who don't want to
send their kids to public school is homeschooling. That's just where a kid is educated at home,
typically by a parent. About 3% of students in the US are homeschooled. All of these different approaches to education
cover the K-12 years, when children are required
to attend school. But some people may choose to keep going to
school and enter post-secondary institutions,
better known as college or university. Unlike primary and secondary schooling,
post-secondary schooling – in the US at least –
is largely funded by the students themselves. Public state colleges and universities are
joint ventures between taxpayers and students,
who pay some tuition to attend. Two-year colleges, sometimes known as
junior or community colleges, typically give associates degrees, technical
certifications, and sometimes high-school
equivalency degrees, or GEDs. The highest level of education attained by
28% of Americans over the age of 25 is attending
some college or have a two-year degree. Four-year institutions in the US can either be
public universities, funded jointly by state taxes
and student tuition, or private universities funded almost exclusively
through tuition and private donations. The reason I keep talking about funding is that,
in the US, paying for college is one of the highest
barriers to getting a post-secondary education. As a result, going to college is by no means
a given for Americans. Only 32.5% of Americans over the age of 25
have graduated with a bachelor’s degree from
a four-year university. Of these graduates, about one third will go on to
get more education, like medical school or a masters
or a doctorate in a discipline like sociology. 12% of American over the age of 25 have some
sort of advanced degree. Education must matter an awful lot for people
to willingly choose to spend so much time
and money on it. And, of course, our schools of sociological thought
can help us understand how educational systems
help shape society, and why education carries such
importance in people’s lives. Today, we’ll be looking at Structural Functionalism
and Symbolic Interactionism and next week, we’ll look more in-depth at education using
a conflict theory perspective. As you might expect by this point, structural
functionalism looks at how formal education helps
keep a society running smoothly. Because structural functionalism looks at
everything that way. And we can think of how education works in society,
in terms of both manifest and latent functions. Manifest functions are the intended consequences
of education. And an obvious example of a manifest function is
just…teaching kids the basic facts about the world. It’s pretty hard to get through the world
without knowing how to read or write. And even for people who don’t use math every
single day, it’s pretty useful to be able to calculate a
20% tip without needing to pull out a calculator. Another manifest function of schooling is
socialization. By going to school outside the home, kids
begin to learn norms and values beyond what
their parents might teach them. For example, schools engage in cultural
transmission, or passing along knowledge
to a new generation of citizens. Children in public schools start their day
by pledging allegiance to the American flag
– and by doing so, learn patriotic values. Similarly, civics and history courses teach them
how political processes work, which helps create a
well-informed, well-functioning civil society. In this way, schools also act to promote social
integration, taking people from different backgrounds
and exposing them to social norms and cultural values, in an effort to promote a shared
understanding of the social world. And educational institutions do more than just pass
on knowledge – they also help us create new knowledge
through cultural innovation and research. Every major advance in our society – whether it's the
technology of self-driving cars, or new understandings
of the inequalities we see in the world – has been possible because it built on the
knowledge we learn in schools. Yet another manifest function of schools is to
educate the future workforce, teaching the skills that
people need to be productive members of society. So formal education acts as a form of credentialing,
a way of establishing someone’s qualifications
to work in a certain field. You know that diploma you got when you graduated
– or will get when you do graduate? That's documented proof of your credentials. And educational credentials are often used
as a way of determining social status – they determine social placement by telling us
who can access which jobs, and how much they
should be paid for that work – factors that determine socioeconomic status. Now, in addition to all of these intended functions
of education, there are some unintended consequences,
or latent functions, of schooling, too. One of the more important ones is learning
how to be a good 9 to 5 worker. Horace Mann’s original vision of public schools
was based on a Prussian model of schooling
now known as the ‘factory school model,’ because it teaches children how to work within a
set schedule and listen to authority figures. Those are skills that come in handy as an
adult when your boss tells you to be at your
desk at 9 in the morning. K-12 Schools also provide childcare that makes working
parents’ lives easier – not the intended purpose of
schools certainly, but a pretty useful latent function. And a third latent function of schools is
that they just help you make friends! Schools help people form social groups by introducing
them to many people around their same age. This also makes it easy to meet and interact
with potential romantic partners around your age – which might be why we see so many college
and high school sweethearts who tie the knot. Structural functionalism stresses all the
ways that schooling helps maintains the order
and stability of society. But our other theories of sociological thought point
out the ways that educational institutions may maintain
practices that are not beneficial to everyone. Recall that symbolic-interactionist approaches
explore how people create the world that we live
in through their day-to-day interactions. In the context of education, we see this play
out in how stereotypes created by society can
turn into a self-fulfilling prophecy. Teachers who believe a student has high ability tend
to give that student more attention and feedback – which in turn helps that student believe that
they have high ability, which in turn helps that
student develop greater academic ability. Similarly, if you decide you’re just not a “math person,”
you might try to avoid doing math at all and stop taking
math classes as soon as your school lets you – which will pretty much guarantee that you
end up not being all that good at math. Self-fulfilling prophecies can have very real
consequences when its beliefs about student’s abilities
are influenced by stereotypes of race, gender, or class. The lower graduation rate of racial minorities
is one outcome. So too is women’s underrepresentation in Science,
Technology, Engineering, and Math fields. Next week, we’ll use the lens of social conflict
theory to explore more about how schooling can
both cause and perpetuate social inequalities. This week, we discussed the history of education
as a social institution, with a specific focus on
how the US organizes its educational system. We also talked about structural functionalist
approaches to education and some of the manifest
and latent functions associated with education. Finally, we discussed a symbolic interactionist
approach to education that shows us how self-fulfilling prophecies in educational settings contribute
to differences in academic outcomes for students. Crash Course Sociology is filmed in the Dr.
Cheryl C. Kinney Studio in Missoula, MT, and it’s
made with the help of all of these nice people. Our animation team is Thought Cafe and Crash
Course is made with Adobe Creative Cloud. If you'd like to keep Crash Course free for everyone,
forever, you can support the series at Patreon, a crowdfunding platform that allows
you to support the content you love. Thank you to all of our patrons for making
Crash Course possible with their continued support. .

Theory & Deviance: Crash Course Sociology #19 – As we noted last week, an armed robber
and a pacifist have something in common: They're both social deviants.
But they're obviously also really different. It's hard to imagine that some people resort
to armed robbery for some of the same reasons
that other people reject violence. That’s why there are many different theories of deviance that can give us some perspective on how and why both the armed robber and the pacifist become deviant. Through sociology, we can explore how the
deviance of these two very different people
relates to society at large. [Theme Music] To understand where deviance comes
from, we have to go back to the three major
sociological paradigms. And, as you might expect, structural functionalism,
symbolic interactionism, and conflict theories each
offer a different perspective on the matter. Way back in episode 5, we touched on Emile
Durkheim’s structural-functionalist approach
to deviance. His basic insight was that, since deviance
is found in every society, it must serve some
function. And Durkheim argued that deviance serves four
functions in particular: First, he said, deviance helps define cultural
values and norms. Basically, we can only know what’s good
by also understanding what’s not good. He also argued that society's response to
deviance clarifies moral boundaries. This means that when society reacts to
deviance, it’s drawing a line, saying that when behaviors cross a certain
moral threshold, they can be sanctioned, either
formally or informally. So this can range from a bank robber being
sent to jail, to someone being made fun of
for the way they dress. Durkheim also said that these reactions bring
society together. By reacting in similar ways to something that
seems not-normative, we’re basically affirming to each
other that we’re an “us,” and the deviants are “them.” And this isn’t necessarily a bad thing. In the more serious instances of deviance
– like, school shootings, for example – you see people uniting around that moral boundary
that’s been breached, and supporting each other. The spontaneous outpourings of outrage, grief, and
charity that you see in response to school shootings
are all examples of this pattern in action. And finally, Durkheim pointed out that deviance
can actually encourage social change. We talked in episode 5 about Rosa Parks’ civil
disobedience, which was by definition deviant, and it was a factor setting off major
changes in American society, in the form
of the Civil Rights Movement. Now, while deviance might be necessary, some
societies can have more or less of it than others. To help explain the difference, American sociologist
Robert Merton proposed, in the 1930s and ‘40s,
what he called strain theory. Merton argued that the amount of deviance in a
society depends on whether that society has provided
sufficient means to achieve culturally defined goals. In the US, financial success is one of the
strongest culturally defined goals. And the means of achieving it include things
like getting an education. So what we call “the American Dream” – the
idea of working hard to achieve financial stability – is a prime example of what Merton called
conformity: achieving culturally set goals by
way of conventionally approved means. Go to school, get good grades, graduate, get
a good job. Work hard. Get rich. Success. Right? Well, of course, even if wealth is your goal,
this approach isn't an option for a lot of people. Many who are raised in poverty, for instance,
lack a realistic path to prosperity. And if you don’t have access to the means – like
money for an education or good-paying job
opportunities – then the goal will be elusive, too. So one response to the lack of acceptable
means is to use unacceptable means – that
is, deviant ones. Merton called this innovation, but here,
innovation means something a little different
from what you’re used to. Merton used it to describe deviant solutions
that people come up with to reach their goals. In this case, it could include everything
from petty thievery to organized crime. The goal is still financial success, but the
illegitimate means used to get there make it deviant. Now, you might also respond in the opposite
way, by giving up on the goal – in this case,
economic success – and instead committing
totally to following the rules. You might decide that you may never be rich,
but at least you’re not going to be deviant. Merton called this ritualism, a deep devotion
to the rules because they are the rules. Of course, your other option is to reject
the whole system altogether – the means,
the goals, all of it. In this kind of response, which Merton labeled
retreatism, a person basically “drops out” of society,
rejecting both the conventional means and goals. Merton classed drug addicts and alcoholics in
this group, because he saw these addictions as a way
of escaping the pressures of the goals and means. But rejection can also be constructive: Rebellion is a rejection of goals and means, but in
the context of a counterculture – one that supports the
pursuit of new goals according to new means. The artist who doesn’t want financial
success, but instead pursues recognition from
their peers is an example of this. So the structural functionalist perspective
on deviance provides some useful ways of thinking
about how deviance works on a macro scale. But it works on the assumption that everyone
who does deviant things will be treated as deviant. The other paradigms of sociology call
this into question: They point out that social status impacts
how deviance is punished. Or whether it’s punished at all. For example, a symbolic interactionist understands
deviance through what’s known as labeling theory – the idea that things like deviance
and conformity are not so much a matter of
what you do, but how people label it. Let’s go to the Thought Bubble to see how
labels can make a deviant. Imagine a student skipping school. This is an example of primary, or minor, deviance. On its own, the transgression isn’t going
to affect the student’s self-concept. That is, it’s not going to cause her to
think of herself, or label herself, as a deviant. And if she’s an otherwise good student,
then her teacher might just write it off as
a one time thing, and the fact that she cut classes would just
remain a minor, primary deviance. But if the teacher responds more strongly, and
punishes her, then that same infraction of the rules
can escalate into secondary deviance. In this case, a strong sanction could make
the student start to think of herself as a truant. And this can lead to what Erving Goffman
called a stigma: a powerfully negative sort of master status
that affects a person’s self-concept, social identity,
and interactions with others. One of the most powerful effects of stigma
is that it leads to more labeling, especially of
what a person has done, or might still do. For example, a stigmatized student could be
the subject of retrospective labeling, where her past is reinterpreted, so that
she’s suddenly understood as having always
been irresponsible. Likewise, she could be subjected to prospective
labeling, which looks forward in time, predicting
her future behavior based on her stigma. Thanks Thought Bubble. As you can see, the whole process of labeling
can be extremely consequential. And it affects not only how we think of ourselves,
but also who responds to deviance, as well as how they respond, and how the deviant person
is understood in society. Drug abuse, for instance, has largely been
understood as a moral failing. But it’s increasingly being seen as an illness. And as that perception has changed, so too
have the people who respond to drug abuse. Instead of just being a job for law enforcement,
today, instances of drug abuse often involve
both police and medical professionals. And instead of getting jail time, in some
places, violators are given medical and
psychological treatment. In other words, how people respond is beginning
to change. And finally, instead of being judged as
personally culpable for some moral failing, addicts are increasingly seen as suffering from
a disease, freeing them, in part, from some degree of
personal responsibility for their behaviors. So the very way in which they’re understood
is also evolving. There are a couple other symbolic interactionist
approaches to deviance that don’t focus
on the power of labels. Differential association, for example, argues
that who you associate with makes deviance
more or less likely. And control theory focuses on a person’s
self-control as a way of avoiding deviance, as well as their ability to anticipate and
avoid the consequences of their actions. All of these symbolic interactionist approaches
highlight the interpersonal responses to deviance. But a Conflict Theory approach links deviance
to social power. If we look at society, we find that the socially
deviant are not necessarily the most dangerous. Rather, a conflict-theory perspective points
out that they are often the most powerless. Conflict theory can explain why this is so
in a few different ways: For one thing, conflict theory posits that
norms and laws reflect the interests of the
powerful. So the powerful can defend their power by
labeling as deviant anything that threatens
that power. For instance, in capitalist societies, deviant
labels are often applied to those who interfere
with the way capitalism functions. And since capitalism is based on the private
control of wealth, stealing is clearly labeled
as deviant. But there are also different rules for when
the rich target the poor: Petty thieves are treated as deviant in a way
that corporate criminals are not, even though
they both steal from other people. An employee taking goods out of the backroom is
hauled in by the police, while the boss who withholds
overtime pay often doesn’t even pay a fine. And this is the case, according to conflict theory,
because the powerful are able to defend themselves
against labels of deviance, so deviant actions are less likely to lead to a
deviant label and thus reactions to that deviance. Finally, conflict theory points out that norms
have an inherently political nature, but the politics tend to be masked by the
general belief that if something is normative,
it must be right and good. So while we may take issue with how a law
is applied, we much more rarely ask whether
the laws themselves are just or not. Conflict theorists see these explanations
at work wherever the inequality of social
power can be found – across gender, among races, and between
groups of different socioeconomic status. Ultimately, structural functionalism, symbolic
interactionism, and conflict theory all give
us useful tools for understanding deviance. Each of these paradigms is powerful, and we'll
be making use of all three next week, when
we look specifically at crime. Today we learned about how the three major
paradigms in sociology approach deviance. We talked about structural functionalism and
how deviance can fulfill a function in society. Then we turned to symbolic interactionism
and looked at how deviance is constructed. Finally, we discussed conflict theory and
how deviance is connected to power and inequality. Crash Course Sociology is filmed in the Dr. Cheryl
C. Kinney Studio in Missoula, MT, and it’s made
with the help of all of these nice people. Our animation team is Thought Cafe and Crash
Course is made with Adobe Creative Cloud. If you'd like to keep Crash Course free for
everyone, forever, you can support the series
at at Patreon, a crowdfunding platform that allows
you to support the content you love. Thank you to all of our patrons for making
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support. .